Accredited official statistics

How many people are detained or returned?

Updated 4 September 2023

‘Immigration system statistics, year ending March 2023’ contents page.

This is not the latest release. View latest release.

Data relates to the year ending March 2023 and all comparisons are with the year ending March 2022 (unless indicated otherwise). Additional comparisons are also provided with the pre-coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic period and for longer-term trends.

Data on returns relates to 2022, which is 3 months before the reporting on detention and other immigration system data. This is to allow more time for returns to be recorded on the system and ensure the published figures are an accurate representation of the number of returns. See the user guide for more details.

All data includes dependants, unless indicated otherwise.

1. Immigration detention

An individual may be detained under immigration powers under certain circumstances. This includes whilst their identity is being established, where there is a risk of absconding, or in support of the return of an individual with no legal right to be in the UK. Where an individual is being detained in support of a return, detention may continue lawfully only for as long as there is a realistic prospect of removal.

1.1 People entering immigration detention

20,416 people entered immigration detention in the year ending March 2023, 20% fewer than in the year ending March 2022.

The proportion of those entering detention having been detected arriving by small boat has declined in January to March of 2023 compared to January to March 2022. During 2021 and 2022 a high proportion of those entering detention were small boat arrivals, detained to confirm their identity and register their asylum claim. Where an asylum claim can be considered (and rejected) in a reasonable time frame, detention is maintained for return. Where it cannot, the individual is released while their claim is considered.

Not all small boat arrivals enter the detention estate, as some are held in other accommodation for short periods of time to establish their health and safety, and secure their identity, before being moved to other appropriate accommodation. These short-term holding places would not be counted in this data.

The decline in the proportion of people entering detention, who had previously been detected arriving by small boat, in January to March of 2023 may relate in part to the role of the Manston facility in quicker routing and triage of small boat arrivals. This allows more individuals to move directly to community-based accommodation, rather than be held in immigration detention, following initial examination and checks.

Please see the user guide for more information on small boat arrivals.

Figure 1: People entering immigration detention in the UK, year ending March 2014 to year ending March 2023

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D01

Figure 1 shows there was a general downward trend in the number of people entering detention from the peak of around 32,400 people in 2015 to around 24,500 in 2019. Since 2019, figures have fluctuated, reaching a low of around 13,000 in the year ending March 2021, influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic, before increasing again to a recent high of around 25,400 in the year ending March 2022.

The top 10 nationalities entering immigration detention recently are similar to the top nationalities of irregular arrivals to the UK via small boats. This emphasises the role immigration detention has played in managing these new arrivals. The exceptions are Romanians, Brazilians, and Poles, who are more likely to have entered immigration detention for other reasons, such as criminality or overstaying a visa.

Albanians were both the most common nationality arriving via small boat and the most common nationality entering detention in the year ending March 2023. They accounted for 37% of the total entering detention, or 7,502 entrants, 75% more than in the year ending March 2022. However, Albanians also feature prominently among Foreign National Offenders, as mentioned in section 2.2 below.

Afghans entering detention increased 16% in the year ending March 2023 compared with the year ending March 2022 from 993 to 1,152. This increase will be influenced by the rise in Afghans arriving via small boat in the year ending March 2023.

1.2 People in immigration detention

At the end of March 2023, there were 1,591 people held in immigration detention (including those detained under immigration powers in prison). This was 10% higher than at the end of March 2022.

Figure 2: People detained under immigration powers in the UK, by place of detention, as at the last day of the quarter, 31 March 2018 to 31 March 2023^1,2

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D02

Notes:

1. The ‘detention estate’ comprises Immigration Removal Centres (IRC), Short-Term Holding Facilities (STHF) and Pre-departure Accommodation (PDA). It is separate to those who are detained under Immigration powers in prisons – these are shown separately on the chart.
2. Data for 31 December 2022 and 31 March 2023 for the detention estate is sourced from each detention centre. Data for 31 December 2022 and 31 March 2023 for prisons is sourced from His Majesty’s Probation and Prisons Service (HMPPS). See the user guide for more information.

Figure 2 shows that the number of people detained in the detention estate decreased immediately during the COVID-19 pandemic. At 31 December 2019 there were 1,278 people in the detention estate, which decreased to a low of 330 at 30 June 2020. The number of people detained in the detention estate has since increased to 1,204 at 31 March 2023, with some fluctuation in-between.

The number of people detained in prisons under immigration powers increased, from 359 before the COVID-19 pandemic (at 31 December 2019) to 665 at 31 December 2021. This increase over the pandemic may have been due to difficulties in securing returns due to the global travel restrictions and challenges around releasing some foreign national offenders (FNOs) into the community. Numbers have since decreased, with 387 people detained in prisons under immigration powers at 31 March 2023.

The number of people in detention relate to a specific point in time and are subject to daily fluctuations. For example, if a large number of small boat arrivals entered detention just before the end of the period, the number of people in detention would be higher than if the same arrivals occurred a few days later.

1.3 People leaving immigration detention

Figure 3 shows that the proportion of people who left detention in the year ending March 2023, who had been detained for 7 days or less, was substantially lower than in the year ending March 2022 (44% compared to 73%), although similar to the proportions prior to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Figure 3: People leaving immigration detention, by length of detention^1,2, year ending March 2019 to year ending March 2023

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D03

Notes:

1. < means ‘less than’.
2. The legend follows the same order and orientation as the stacks within the bars.

People’s length of detention is often partly related to their reason for leaving detention.

The proportion of people who left detention because they were bailed has remained high (77% of those leaving detention in the year ending March 2023). Bail was mostly granted due to an asylum (or other) application being raised. However, these people were detained for longer periods in the year ending March 2023 than in the year ending March 2022. 46% of people bailed in the year ending March 2023 spent 7 days or less in detention and 28% spent 8 to 28 days in detention, compared to 77% and 11% respectively in the year ending March 2022.

The percentage of detainees returned overseas from detention was higher in the year ending March 2023 (21%, 4,098) compared to the year ending March 2022 (14%, 3,448). However, it was lower compared to 2010 (64%, 16,577).

Figure 4: Top 10 nationalities leaving detention by reason for leaving^1,2,3, year ending March 2023

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D03

Notes:

1. Bailed Secretary of State (SoS) and Immigration Judge (IJ).
2. Other reasons for leaving detention include being sectioned under the Mental Health Act, entering criminal detention, being granted leave to enter or remain in the UK, being detained in error and people whose reason for leaving was not available at the time of publication. See the user guide for more details.
3. The legend follows the same order and orientation as the stacks within the bars.

Figure 4 shows that among the top 10 nationalities leaving detention in the year ending March 2023, in most cases the individual was bailed. However, for Brazilians (fourth) and Romanians (fifth) the majority were returned, with a notable number of Albanians (778) also returned. Being returned is the more common outcome for individuals detained for criminality or overstaying.

2. Returns

The Home Office seeks to return people who do not have a legal right to stay in the UK. The different types of returns are grouped into 3 broad categories:

• enforced returns (people subject to administrative removal or deportation action which is carried out by the Home Office)
• voluntary returns (people who were liable to removal action or subject to immigration control but have left of their own accord, including with support from the Home Office)
• port returns (people who are refused entry to the UK and have subsequently departed)

2.1 Returns by return type

In 2022, there were 3,860 enforced returns, 46% fewer than in 2019 prior to the COVID-19 pandemic (7,198), but 39% more than in 2021 (2,780). The majority (77%) of enforced returns in 2022 were of Foreign National Offenders (FNOs) and around half (47%) of enforced returns were EU nationals. More recent provisional data has been published in the ad hoc report of Statistics relating to the Illegal Migration Bill.

Enforced returns have been declining since the peak in 2012 with the most recent decrease related to the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic, as figure 5 shows. The number of enforced returns were very low during quarters that coincided with ‘lockdowns’ starting in late March 2020 and early January 2021 (363 and 431).

Whilst enforced returns are still low compared with pre-COVID-19 levels, the 39% increase compared with 2021 is partly due to a rise in enforced returns of Brazilians and also Albanians. The increase in Albanians may be partly as a result of an increase in Albanian irregular arrivals between the two years, as well as early results from an agreement between the UK and Albania to reduce irregular migration to the UK from that country.

In 2022, there were 10,710 voluntary returns. Voluntary returns have continued to show signs of returning to pre-COVID-19 levels following the lifting of travel restrictions and have increased by around half (46%) compared with 2021. However, voluntary returns figures were still 15% lower compared with 2019 (12,574), showing the long-term downward trend since 2015. Numbers recorded as voluntary returns are subject to upward revision, so recent figures should be treated with caution. For further information see the ‘About the statistics’ section.

The longer-term decrease in enforced and voluntary returns is likely due to a number of factors, including tighter screening of passengers prior to travel and changes in visa processes and regimes.

There were 23,378 passengers who were refused entry at port and subsequently departed (‘port returns’) in 2022. This represents the highest number of port returns in over 10 years. The number of port returns decreased substantially between April to September 2020 as very few passengers arrived in the UK immediately following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of port returns has increased as more passengers began to arrive to the UK, with this type of return now 27% higher compared with 2019 (18,464).

The nationality make-up of port returns has changed. Prior to leaving the EU, port returns of EU nationals in 2020 accounted for only 17% of all port returns; however, in 2022 they accounted for 59%.

Figure 5: Returns from the UK, by type of return, 2013 to 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D01

The vast majority of enforced returns occurred from detention. As reported in the Home Office research ‘Issues raised by people facing return in immigration detention’ (2021), 73% of people detained within the UK following immigration offences in 2019 were recorded as having raised one or more ‘issues’ that may have prevented their return. These issues included raising an asylum claim, legal challenge, or a claim to be a potential victim of modern slavery or human trafficking.

Figure 6 shows that between 2016 and 2019, enforced returns of both EU and non-EU nationals declined (continuing the longer-term trend for non-EU nationals since 2013). Numbers of enforced returns of EU and non-EU nationals have been at similar levels following the COVID-19 pandemic.

Figure 6: Enforced returns from the UK, for EU and non-EU nationals, 2013 to 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D01

Out of the top 5 nationalities for enforced returns, 4 were European (3 from the EU) and accounted for over half of enforced returns in 2022. These were nationals of Albania (25%), Romania (18%), Poland (8%), and Lithuania (7%). Brazil (10%) was the only non-European nationality in the top 5.

2.2 Returns of foreign national offenders (FNOs)

In 2022, there were 3,079 FNOs returned from the UK, of which 58% were EU nationals (1,778). This proportion has decreased from 69% in 2019 as FNO returns of non-EU Albanians have increased while FNO returns of EU nationals have remained low following the pandemic and the UK’s departure from the European Union.

Figure 7: Returns of FNOs¹ from the UK, for EU and non-EU nationals, 2013 to 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D03

Notes:

1. An FNO is someone who is not a British citizen and is, or was, convicted in the UK of any criminal offence, or convicted abroad for a serious criminal offence.

FNO returns can be enforced or voluntary, and in 2022 FNO returns accounted for 21% of enforced and voluntary returns combined. In 2022, 77% of enforced returns were of FNOs. The proportion of enforced returns that were FNOs had been steadily increasing, reaching a peak of 93% in 2021. In 2022 this dropped to 77% due to an increase in returns of non-FNOs, which were 3.5 times higher than they were in 2021. This was mainly caused by a return to pre-COVID-19 pandemic levels of returns of Brazilian nationals with no right to remain.

Figure 7 shows that FNO returns decreased between 2016 and 2020, with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic intensifying this trend. FNO returns of EU nationals were almost double those of non-EU nationals during this period, but this gap closed considerably in 2021. Following the pandemic, FNO returns increased slightly due to returns of non-EU nationals (mainly Albanians). However, FNO returns in 2022 remain 40% lower than pre-pandemic levels (3,079, down from 5,128 in 2019).

2.3 Asylum related returns

The method for classifying asylum-related returns has changed and has resulted in substantially more returns being classified as asylum-related. For example, the change means asylum-related returns in the year ending June 2022 increased from 811 to 2,207 – an increase of 172%. Data back to 1 October 2020 has been revised using the new methodology. Asylum-related returns that occurred before this period have not been revised so comparisons should not be made between the numbers of asylum-related returns that occurred before and after 1 October 2020. Please see section 3.2 for more information.

Asylum related returns accounted for 8% of total returns in 2022, up from 6% in 2021.

In 2022, there were 2,866 asylum related returns. This is a 78% increase compared with 2021 (1,606), in part due to a 176% increase in voluntary returns of Albanians who have previously claimed asylum.

3. About the statistics

The underlying casework systems on which this data is based are undergoing a process of change and therefore the published numbers may change in future quarters. Ongoing data quality checks do not at present suggest any large effects from these changes will be apparent. For more information on this please see the user guide.

3.1 Immigration detention

The statistics in this section show the number of entries into, and departures from, detention for those held solely under immigration powers. One individual may enter or leave detention multiple times in a given period and will therefore have been counted multiple times in the statistics. Statistics on foreign nationals held in prison for criminal offences are published by the Ministry of Justice in ‘Offender management statistics quarterly’.

The detention estate comprises immigration removal centres (IRC), short-term holding facilities (STHF) and pre-departure accommodation (PDA).

The data excludes those held under immigration powers in HM prisons (prior to July 2017), police cells, short-term holding rooms at ports and airports (including Manston immigration processing centre), and those recorded as detained under both criminal and immigration powers and their dependants.

‘In detention’ data for the number of people in the detention estate as at 31 December 2022 and 31 March 2023 has been sourced from each detention centre’s daily population lists. ‘In detention’ data for the number of people in prisons for 31 December 2022 and 31 March 2023 has been sourced from His Majesty’s Probation and Prisons Service (HMPPS) list of immigration detainees. For more information, please see the user guide.

Data on those entering detention, by place of detention, relates to the place of initial detention. An individual who moves from one part of the detention estate or HM prisons to another will not have been counted as entering any subsequent place of detention. The data, therefore, does not show the total number of people who entered each part of the detention estate or HM prisons.

Data on those in detention relates to those in detention on the last day of the quarter and are therefore subject to daily fluctuations and can depend on how many people entered detention just before the end of the period.

Data on those leaving detention, by place of detention, relates to the place of detention immediately prior to being released. An individual who moves from one part of the detention estate or HM prisons to another has not been counted as leaving each part of the detention estate or HM prisons. The data, therefore, does not show the total number of people who left each part of the detention estate or HM prisons.

From July 2017, data on detention of immigration detainees in prisons is included in the immigration detention figures upon entering immigration detention within prison. Therefore, data from July 2017 onwards is not directly comparable with earlier data. Further details of these changes can be found in the user guide.

Data on the number of children entering detention is subject to change. This will be as a result of further evidence of an individual’s age coming to light, such as an age assessment. Further details can be found in the user guide.

Data on deaths in detention includes any death of an individual while detained under immigration powers in an IRC, STHF, PDA, under escort, or after leaving detention if the death was as a result of an incident occurring while detained or where there is some credible information that the death might have resulted from their period of detention and the Home Office has been informed. The annual data for 2021 is included in table Det_05b in the Detention summary tables. Further details can be found in the user guide.

3.2 Returns

Data on returns is published a quarter behind to allow more time for returns (particularly ‘other verified returns’) to be entered on the system prior to publication, ensuring that the published data is an accurate representation of the number of returns. We routinely revise the latest 8 quarters of data as part of each quarterly release. Therefore, data for the most recent 8 quarters should be considered provisional. Further details on the revisions can be found in the returns section of the user guide.

The statistics in this section show the number of returns from the UK. One individual may have been returned more than once in a given period and, if that was the case, would be counted more than once in the statistics.

The Home Office seeks to return people who do not have a legal right to stay in the UK. This includes people who:

• enter, or attempt to enter, the UK illegally (including people entering irregularly and by means of deception on entry)
• are subject to deportation action; for example, due to a serious criminal conviction
• overstay their period of legal right to remain in the UK
• breach their conditions of leave
• have been refused asylum

The term ‘deportations’ refers to a legally defined subset of returns, which are enforced either following a criminal conviction, or when it is judged that a person’s removal from the UK is beneficial to the public good. The published statistics refer to enforced returns which include deportations, as well as cases where a person has breached UK immigration laws, and those removed under other administrative and illegal entry powers that have declined to leave voluntarily. Figures on deportations, which are a subset of enforced returns, are not separately available.

Data on voluntary returns is subject to upward revision, so comparisons over time should be made with caution. In some cases, individuals who have been told to leave the UK will not notify the Home Office of their departure from the UK. In such cases, it can take some time for the Home Office to become aware of such a departure and update the system. As a result, data for more recent periods will initially undercount the total number of returns. ‘Other verified returns’ are particularly affected by this.

Improved linking between return and asylum case working systems means asylum-related returns are recorded more accurately. Changes to the way asylum-related returns are classified have been made from 23 February 2023 with data from 1 October 2020 onwards having been revised. Data before 1 October 2020 has not been revised so comparisons cannot be made for returns before and after this period.

Asylum-related returns relate to cases where there has been an asylum claim or further submission at some stage prior to the return. This will include asylum seekers whose asylum claims have been withdrawn, refused and who have exhausted any rights of appeal, those returned under third-country provisions, as well as those granted asylum/protection but removed for other reasons (such as criminality).

Information on harm assessment categories (previously published in table Ret_06 in the accompanying summary data tables) have been discontinued from this publication onwards due to changes in the availability of this data. The latest data is available up to the year ending September 2022.

In the ‘Immigration detention’ tables, the number of people ‘returned’ under ‘reason for leaving detention’ includes people who were refused entry at port in the UK who were subsequently detained and then departed the UK. However, in the ‘Returns’ tables, the number of returns from detention do not include those people, and so will be lower.

Prior to the UK leaving the EU, certain individuals applying for international protection (asylum) could be returned from the UK to the relevant EU member state that was deemed responsible for examining the application, under the Dublin Regulation. Data on returns, and requests for transfer out of the UK under the Dublin Regulation, by article and country of transfer, is available from Asylum data tables. Strengthened inadmissibility rules came into effect on 1 January 2021, following the UK’s departure from the EU. Data on cases dealt with under the inadmissibility rules, for January 2021 to March 2023, can be found in the How many people do we grant protection to? section. Further details on the Dublin Regulation and inadmissibility rules are set out in the user guide.

Prior to the UK leaving the EU, nationals from the EU could be returned for abusing or not exercising Treaty rights or deported on public policy grounds (such as criminality).

Eurostat publishes a range of enforcement data from EU member states. This data can be used to make international comparisons.

3.3 Windrush Scheme

The Windrush generation refers to people from Caribbean countries who were invited by the British government between 1948 and 1971 to migrate to the UK as it faced a labour shortage due to the destruction caused by World War 2. Not all of these migrants have documentation confirming their immigration status and, therefore, some may have been dealt with under immigration powers.

Data relating to the Windrush compensation scheme is published as part of the Home Office Transparency data.

4. Data tables

Data referred to here can be found in the following tables:

• Immigration detention summary tables
• Detailed immigration detention datasets
• Returns summary tables
• Detailed returns datasets

We welcome your feedback

If you have any comments or suggestions for the development of this report, please provide feedback by emailing [email protected]. Please include the words ‘PUBLICATION FEEDBACK’ in the subject of your email.

We’re always looking to improve the accessibility of our documents. If you find any problems or have any feedback relating to accessibility, please email us.

See section 6 of the ‘About this release’ section for more details.